Wednesday, September 8, 2010
The Real AU and Beyond Response
Overall I agree with your argument that making a bold political statement just for the sake of being bold is useless. However, I wanted to point out that this is not the activity that Machiavelli advocated. In fact, The Prince in some ways would support the argument you just made.
Machiavelli makes specific claims on how to act in certain situations, but on a whole he argues that it all depends on the situation. On the issue of fortresses, he stresses that “a ruler who is more afraid of his subjects than of foreign powers should build fortresses; but a ruler who is more afraid of foreign powers than of his subjects should do without them” (66-67). This epitomizes his idea that regardless of what advice Machiavelli provides, it all boils down to the given situation. This directly correlates with your idea that “a well thought out course of action might bring about great results.”
Furthermore, I wanted to iterate that we still don’t have a public option, even with Obama in office.
Regardless, we are in conjunction in what an efficient politician should do. Daring for the simple sake of being daring is utterly pointless.
Tuesday, September 7, 2010
Blog #3
Machiavelli’s claim that it is undoubtedly better to take the initiative in political life and struggle because fortune always favors the bold is consistent with the rest of his political theory because the overall theme of Machiavalli remains based around the necessity for a leader to prioritize his nation-state above all else. Throughout the novel, he has a tendency to adhere to the idea of control. Control towards political policies and control towards how a leader is viewed by his people. As discussed in class, Machiavelli suggests an allowance towards virtuous acts when it comes to matter of the state. In chapter XVI he discusses how a leader should be respected by the decisions he makes for the good of the state, rather than the virtuous nature of these decisions. During the debate many of us even went so far as to say that the good of state always comes before honesty towards its citizens. The idea of “the ends justify the means” that was a critical point during both debates goes hand in hand with Machiavelli’s claim that initiative in politics is vital.
Whether or not it is good advice to tell a leader that making a quick, maybe irrational decision is better than inaction is difficult to answer completely due to the complicated nature of The Prince. As discussed in the introduction, Machiavelli’s letter could be a satire criticizing Medicci’s ruling style, or it could be a legitimate argument. When it comes to difficult matters, leaders should be willing to make decisions that are often times risky, but necessary for the advancement of a state. However, most decisions should be made rationally and thoughtfully, without necessarily placing such a high priority on initiative itself.
Oh, the Joy of Despotic Values
Machiavelli argues that a leader must always be the strongest in any sort of political issue, in order to work towards the ultimate goal of always maintaining power. This is to ensure that said leader is never overpowered by another. However what if the conjunction of multiple areas is for the greater good of the nation-states as a whole? Would Machiavelli’s advice be beneficial? Take for example the plight of Italy during Machiavelli’s time. It was in complete disarray where each city lived under different rulers. This system debilitated the area, thus preventing the strength of Italy as a united nation-state. Therefore, Machiavelli’s advice is only beneficial from the leader’s perspective, not that of the state.
This specific piece of advice, in always maintaining strategy in political life as a leader, is cogent with the rest of his suggestions in how to keep power. He so radically states “it is better to be headstrong than cautious, for fortune is a lady. It is necessary, if you want to master her, to beat and strike her” (76). Although I wholeheartedly disagree with this statement, it sums up Machiavelli pretty well. Ultimately, he is simply a power-hungry political scientist.
Monday, September 6, 2010
Reflection #2
Sunday, September 5, 2010
U.S. vs. Xenophobia
The “yuppie soccer fans,” also known as liberals, are the group normally affiliated with international ideals and “Europhilic cosmopolitanism” (248). The immigrants, for lack of a better term, are simply celebrating a sport that they are used to celebrating. The group of Hispanic people sitting behind us in the game was the source of most of the enthusiasm on our side. Therefore, if the only supporters of soccer are the ones that see past the United States borders, then clearly the opposition has some fear of the outside world.
However, I cannot fail to discuss the other side of the stadium, where the beloved hooligans resided. We ventured over in order to get a real feel for the game, and we definitely did. There was always a constant stream of cheers, even if the game was not reciprocating in excitement. I especially enjoyed their originality in creating profanity. There also was the intense hostility towards Columbus Crew, which became the most entertaining when Crew fans decided to take a lap around the stadium with their yellow and black flags. The disgust and anger was evident in the eyes of each D.C. United fan. It’s hard to fake passion like that. That side of the stadium truly felt like a European soccer game; so it looks like globalization is having an effect, no matter how xenophobic some of us are.
Saturday, September 4, 2010
When a State is Not a State
Here, minds inevitably oscillate back to 10th grade history class, and you recall that the American colonies separated from a stable mother nation and turned out alright. However, there was a distinct reason that European nations eagerly waited for the American experiment to fail: there wasn't any precedent for it succeeding. Indeed, America remains the Great Outlier, having received from England a certain blend of - something - that allowed the States to secede (and succeed) quite apart from Europe. More modern colony-mothercountry breaks have not gone nearly so smoothly.
Let's look at some case studies: Algeria, a former French colony, broke off from France after a violent eight year conflict. French President Charles de Gaulle finally granted Algeria the right to a referendum on its future; Algeria chose independence. Unfortunately, Algeria went from benign French control, to an Algerian president, to a military coup and socialist, military domination within a few years of independence. This regime would last decades, the military still has a heavy hand in politics, and Algeria is currently trapped in the vice grip of Al-Qaeda. In Angola, independence from Portugal in 1975 led directly to a 30 year civil war. Since the assassination of a Populist political figure in 2002, the warring factions have come to a cease-fire, but elections are still not legitimate. For the sake of brevity, I'll stop here, but there are literally dozens of more examples I could have mention (you can check them out at Freedomhouse.org)
Back to spatula's post. As he noted in his post, the breakdowns of the USSR and of the state of Somalia lead to special cases; the "except when absolutely necessary" corollary in my above thesis applies here, and in my opinion Abkazia and Somaliland have at least legitimate reason to try a new government. However, this is no guarantee their gambit will work out soon, or at all - democracy's success is just too unpredictable for that..